经济学Essay要求：Critical Discussion of Regional Resources in Industry
本文是工商管理专业的留学生Essay范例，题目是“Critical Discussion of Regional Resources in Industry（产业中的区域资源批判性探讨）”，Storper和Walker(1989)证明是“产业创造了区域资源，而不是反过来”。这种说法描述了工业、区域增长和发展的区位模式是资本主义工业化及其内在过程的产物，而不是资源的“自然”配置。本文旨在通过区域发展理论和集群形成的框架，批判性地讨论这种说法。这将通过韦伯的区位理论及其在资源创造中的作用及其对区域发展的影响来探讨。在开始支持上述声明的讨论之前，先探讨英国的赛车运动谷集群及其在知识创造中的作用。这将在审查现实的一点上达到高潮，探索的想法，虽然区域资源创造(和区域发展)的过程最终是由工业，区域或地方有促进它的作用。
1. Introduction (139 words): 介绍(139字):
Storper and Walker (1989) attest that it is 'industries that create regional resources and not the other way around'. Such statement depicts that locational patterns of industry, regional growth and development are the product of capitalist industrialisation and its intrinsic processes, rather than the 'natural' placement of resources. This essay aims to critically discuss such statement through the framework of Regional Development Theory and the formation of clusters. This will be explored through Weberian locational theory and its role in resource creation and its effects on regional development. Before moving to to a discussion advocating for the aforementioned statement, exploring the Motor Sport Valley cluster in England and its role in knowledge creation. Which will culminate in a point examining the reality, exploring the idea that whilst the process of regional resource creation (and regional development) is ultimately delivered by the industry, the region or place has a role in facilitating it.
2. Weberian Location theory韦伯式的区位论
A theory that contradicts Storper and Walker's statement, is Weberian Location theory. According to Weber (1969), regional resources dictate the location of industries, clusters and subsequent regional development. This is a result of three main factors. These factors are the cost of product transport, the cost of labour and potential agglomeration economies. Weber explores the factors influencing the locational distribution of industry though a least cost model which seemed fitting during a period where the dominant industries were locating close to energy sources, raw material sources and the transportation networks, such as docks, and major canal systems. Weber and Weberian locational theorists suggest that former industrial centres such as Manchester and Liverpool were partly conceived and developed due to the prior regional resources. Weber argued that manufacturing plants and industry were located where transport costs were minimised, suggesting that industries cluster around regional advantages, rather than industries producing regional resources. Transportation costs were shaped by two factors
有一个理论与斯托普和沃克的说法相矛盾，那就是韦伯的区位理论。韦伯(1969)认为，区域资源决定产业的区位、集群以及随后的区域发展。这是由三个主要因素造成的。这些因素包括产品运输成本、劳动力成本和潜在的聚集经济。韦伯通过最小成本模型探索了影响产业区位分布的因素，在主导产业位于能源、原材料来源和运输网络(如码头和主要运河系统)附近的时期，这一模型似乎是合适的。韦伯和韦伯学派的区位理论家认为，曼彻斯特和利物浦等前工业中心的构想和发展，在一定程度上得益于先前的区域资源。韦伯认为，制造工厂和工业都位于运输成本最低的地方，这表明产业聚集在区域优势周围，而不是产生区域资源的产业。运输成本由两个因素决定
- the weight of material to be shipped and the distance it was to travel, producing a locational triangle, which was fundamental in Weber's formation of the industrial location problem
Storper (1997) argues that this model functions on an unsubstantiated interface, removed from reality. This wrongly assumes that industry leaders and firms have an all encompassing knowledge and use that to act in a completely logical manner. Weber's theory, argues Storper (1997), ignores the inputs from an industry into a region, which are extremely powerful in the creation of regional resources and developing the region. Such inputs consist of the product and the process, as well as organisational innovation, which in turn generates a competitive advantage, dynamic economy, and high rates of accumulation. Not forgetting the sheer injection of capital. All of which ultimately create regional resources and development. That being said, industrial location is undeniably shaped by a trade-off between varying production costs, which has significant contemporary relevance, particularly in regards to the new international division of labour.
Storper(1997)认为这个模型是在一个脱离现实的未经证实的界面上运行的。这错误地假设行业领袖和公司拥有包罗万象的知识，并利用这些知识以完全合乎逻辑的方式行事。Storper(1997)认为，韦伯的理论忽略了一个产业对一个地区的投入，而这种投入在创造区域资源和发展区域方面具有极其强大的作用。这些投入包括产品和过程，以及组织创新，这反过来产生了竞争优势、动态经济和高积累率。不要忘记纯粹的资本注入。所有这些最终创造了区域资源和发展。话虽如此，工业地点无疑是由不同生产成本之间的权衡决定的，这在当代具有重大意义，特别是在新的国际劳动分工方面。
3. Industries create regional resources.产业创造区域资源。
In contrast to Weber, Storper and Walker (1989) argue that 'industries create regional resources' which manifest in clusters. This argument suggests that the driving force of regional resource creation is not prior resource endowment and 'natural' advantageous properties in the location, but geographical industrialisation and the location of firms as a process of resource creation. Patterns of resource creation and regional development are produced by capitalist industrialisation and its endogenous activity, resulting in an economic clustering, rather than the exogenous location of resources. In sum, industries produce economic space and regional resources.
与韦伯相反，Storper和Walker(1989)认为“产业创造区域资源”，这体现在集群中。这一论点表明，区域资源创造的驱动力不是优越的资源禀赋和区位上的“自然”优势属性，而是作为资源创造过程的地理工业化和企业区位。资源创造和区域发展的模式是由资本主义工业化及其内生活动产生的，从而导致经济集群，而不是资源的外生区位。总之，产业产生经济空间和区域资源。
Of course, locational factors are important, but they are insufficient in generating regional growth, particularly in an era in which competition is increasingly global. It is apparent that a region must posses economies of scale and scope for regional development and resource creation to accrue. Storper (1997) argues that these are derived from the 'Holy Trinity of technology-organisation-territory'. Highly localised clusters based on a niche of specific knowledge, skills and expertise form economies of scale. This concentration of advantages held by the actors located in specific regions creates an exploitable economy of scale. If these regions are able to utilise the benefits of learning and embed into the collaborative environment in these agglomeration, Economies of scope can exist and the 'spillover effect' can be reproduced. This will now be examined through the knowledge cluster of Motor Sport Valley, England.
当然，区位因素很重要，但它们不足以推动地区增长，尤其是在竞争日益全球化的时代。显然，一个区域必须具有规模经济和区域发展和资源创造的范围。Storper(1997)认为，这些都源于“技术-组织-领域的三位一体”。以特定知识、技能和专业知识为基础的高度本地化集群形成了规模经济。位于特定地区的参与者所拥有的这种优势集中，创造了可开发的规模经济。如果这些地区能够利用学习的好处，并嵌入到这些集聚的协作环境中，范围经济就可以存在，“溢出效应”就可以重现。这将通过英国运动运动谷的知识集群进行检验。
The Motor Sport Valley cluster in the South of England, is a region that can be thought of not as a space within boundaries, but as a porous territory that benefits from a broad range of network connections (Amin 2002). Porter (1998) defines a cluster as a concentration of connected firms, specialising suppliers, service providers and institutions. There is a dynamic 'strategic coupling' of firms and regional assets, in the form of a knowledge economy. Motor Sport Valley is a region that has experienced an industry creating regional resources, through the formation of a knowledge-based cluster. There are many benefits to clustering, and the regional resource can take the form of untraded interdependencies. Here there is a dense agglomeration of motorsport activity which has created an economy of specialist knowledge which circulates between the firms that make up the cluster.
英格兰南部的Motor Sport Valley集群是一个区域，它不是一个边界内的空间，而是一个从广泛的网络连接中受益的多孔区域(Amin 2002)。Porter(1998)将集群定义为连接企业、专业供应商、服务提供商和机构的集中。以知识经济的形式，企业和地区资产之间存在着一种动态的“战略耦合”。汽车运动谷是一个经历了产业创造区域资源，通过形成知识型集群的地区。集群有许多好处，区域资源可以以非贸易的相互依赖的形式存在。这里有一个赛车运动的密集聚集，它创造了一个专业知识经济，在组成集群的公司之间流动。
The regional resource of knowledge is spread in 6 interacting ways (Pinch and Henry 1999). The first form of knowledge creation and distribution is the high levels of staff change. In this industry, staff such as engineers, designers, mechanics and drivers are often subject to various firm changes, moving around different Motor Sport companies. The persistent circulation of employees means that critical information about technology, methods, tactics and strategy is transferred and shared across the cluster. The second is shared suppliers. This acts as a regional resource through the linkages between the teams. Whilst they are contracted to silence, the numerous component and service suppliers still leak knowledge and information, adding to the clusters knowledge economy. The high number of firm births and deaths also creates an opportunity for staff to mix and diffuse knowledge, as they change employer. Informal collaboration is just one more industry created regional resource in the Motor Sport cluster. Whilst this is a competitive cluster, regulated working groups are in place. They are tightly regulated and necessitate interaction and involvement, with collective discussion, providing another mode of inter-firm knowledge transfer and regional resource. Informal industry gossip is just another regional resource created by the industries clustering. There is a lot of networking in the Valley, and this crosses firms and teams, often facilitating staff recruitment and advice as well as knowledge acquisition. The final knowledge transfer is observation on the trackside. When technology is tested on the track, imitation can occur.
It is clear that the decision for firms and the industry to cluster here has created regional resources, which are extremely valuable to the high-tech, design centred, Motor Sport Industry.
4. Is it both?是这两个吗?
It could be argued that Storper and Walker's 1989 argument is misleading, emphasising a complete reduction of the role of geography and distance. Suggesting that the hyper mobile nature of capital is leading to the complete deterritorialisation of production. This is not the case. It is vital to consider that whilst industries ultimately create regional resources, place remains fundamental, with every component of the production network being quite literally grounded. This grounding is both physical in terms of physical investments and less observable in terms of localised relationships and knowledge transfer. Globalisation presents a paradox. There is a continued significance of 'regions' in the establishment of sub-national regions of foci for economic activity, which suggests that while industries feed regional resources (in terms of growth) the regional resource must firstly exist, or in some capacity must be there for initiation.
有人可能会说，斯托珀和沃克在1989年提出的论点是误导的，他们强调了地理和距离的作用的完全弱化。这表明，资本的超流动性特性正在导致生产的完全非领地化。但事实并非如此。重要的是要考虑到，虽然工业最终创造了区域资源，但位置仍然是基础，生产网络的每个组成部分都是实实在在地建立起来的。这种基础既体现在有形投资方面，也体现在本地化关系和知识转移方面。全球化提出了一个悖论。“区域”在经济活动重点地方的建立中具有持续的重要意义，这表明当产业供给区域资源(就增长而言)时，区域资源必须首先存在，或者在某种程度上必须在那里启动。
5. Conclusion:结论
This essay hopes to have critically discussed the statement that 'industries create regional resources and not the other way round'. This statement is mostly reflective of the truth.
本文希望批判性地讨论“产业创造区域资源，而不是产业创造区域资源”的观点。这句话大部分反映了事实。
It is true, industries are the key producer of regional resources. Inputs from an industry into a region are extremely powerful in the creation of regional resources and developing the region. Such inputs create the product, process and organisational innovation. It is the industry and its firms that create a competitive advantage, dynamic economy and high rates of accumulation, particularly in the 21st century manufacturing industry, as well as service and knowledge based industries. Industries cluster and it is in this locational process that regional resources are created. Their inputs are invaluable. Nonetheless, it is important to consider that place remains fundamental to the location of industries but it it is ultimately the industry that unleashes the potential of a region through regional resource creation.
的确，工业是区域资源的主要生产者。一个产业对一个地区的投入对于创造区域资源和发展该地区具有极其强大的作用。这些投入创造了产品、过程和组织创新。正是这个行业及其企业创造了竞争优势、充满活力的经济和高积累率，尤其是在21世纪的制造业以及服务和知识基础行业。产业集群，区域资源正是在这一区位过程中产生的。他们的投入是无价的。尽管如此，重要的是要考虑到地方仍然是工业位置的基础，但工业最终通过创造区域资源来释放一个地区的潜力。
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